02/27/2003
Neville Chamberlain and Appeasement, Part I
With the current worldwide debate over what to do with Saddam Hussein and Iraq, I thought it was a good time to take a look at the history of the period before Adolf Hitler invaded Poland on September 1, 1939. More specifically, we’ll examine the actions of the great appeaser, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain.
Chamberlain (1869-1940) was the son of British political leader Joseph Chamberlain, an aggressive imperialist whose stance helped lead to the Boer War in South Africa in the late 1890s. For his part, Neville didn’t become a member of parliament until age 50, but then he shot up the ranks, serving as Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1931 to 1937 before replacing the retiring Stanley Baldwin in the top spot. Author Piers Brendon (“The Dark Valley”) describes Chamberlain thusly.
“With a prissy manner, a reedy voice and a smug expression habitually imprinted on his corvine features, Chamberlain seemed every inch the political haberdasher. His conventional clothes added to the impression: the old-fashioned starched wing-collars; the black jacket and striped trousers; the inevitable umbrella, sceptre of the bourgeoisie since the time of Louis- Philippe – almost the only time Chamberlain showed anger was when his umbrella got broken.”
But Chamberlain would grow to become an arrogant, though na ve, leader, drawing around himself an inner circle of “subservient mediocrities.”
Meanwhile, Adolf Hitler had risen to power in Germany, becoming chancellor in January 1933 and assuming dictatorial powers just one month later. On September 15, 1935, the Jews were stripped of their German citizenship, while that October Italy’s Mussolini invaded Ethiopia.
In America, President Franklin Roosevelt recognized this “prairie fire” of aggression (the Japanese were on the march as well) was sweeping the globe, but by 1937-38, he felt hamstrung by the lack of political will on the part of not only Chamberlain, but also French Premier Edouard Daladier.
Henry Kissinger, in his book “Diplomacy,” notes a speech that Chamberlain gave in November 1937, as part of a French / British discussion on the status of Czechoslovakia, which Hitler had begun threatening on behalf of its ethnic Germans in the Sudetenland. Chamberlain said of the talks at the time:
“It seemed desirable to try to achieve some agreement with Germany on Central Europe, whatever might be Germany’s aims, even if she wished to absorb some of her neighbors; one could in effect hope to delay the execution of German plans, and even to restrain the Reich for such a time that its plans might become impractical in the long run.”
Hitler began to hint he would annex the Sudetenland by force, but first, on March 11, 1938, German troops rolled into Austria, the Anschluss, where the majority of the people welcomed the Nazis with open arms. Hitler announced the reunification of Austria with the German Reich and trained his guns on the Czechs.
Hitler correctly deduced that Britain, France and Russia wished to avoid war at all cost. France had a treaty to protect Czechoslovakia, but there were strong doubts they would do so if the Nazis made a move, while the Soviet Union wasn’t going to act unless France did, especially since Stalin would have had to move his troops through Poland to help the Prague government. Hitler code-named his next move, “Operation Green.”
In the summer of 1938, Britain’s Lord Halifax, Chamberlain’s chief emissary to Hitler, told the Fuhrer’s special envoy, Fritz Wiedemann, that before his death he would like to see “the Fuhrer entering London at the side of the English King amid the acclamation of the English people.” Oh brother.
Even when the British government received information about Hitler’s timetable for taking Czechoslovakia, you had individuals like the British ambassador to Berlin, Sir Nevile Henderson, who when told to warn the Nazis that Britain wouldn’t just stand aside should Hitler act, wrote a “hysterical plea (scrawled on blank pages torn from a book of detective stories because the Ambassador had forgotten to take writing paper to Nuremberg) that this message would drive the Fuhrer ‘right off the deep end.’” Instead, Henderson sought out the British press, urging them to present Hitler as “the apostle of peace.” [Brendon]
Which leads me to a discussion of the press and the role it played, specifically the Times of London. Author William Shirer (“The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich”) was a reporter in Berlin and heard Hitler’s famous May 21, 1935 presentation to the Reichstag, the “thirteen points.” That evening Hitler kept hammering away at Germany’s need for peace, even saying of Austria:
“Germany neither intends nor wishes to interfere in the internal affairs of Austria, to annex Austria, or to conclude an Anschluss.”
The Western world lapped it up, with the Times writing:
“ The speech turns out to be reasonable, straightforward and comprehensive. No one who reads it with an impartial mind can doubt that the points of policy laid down by Herr Hitler may fairly constitute the basis of a complete settlement with Germany – a free, equal and strong Germany instead of the prostrate Germany upon whom peace was imposed sixteen years ago (Versailles)
“It is hoped that the speech will be taken everywhere as a sincere and well-considered utterance meaning precisely what it says.” [Shirer]
As Shirer writes, “This great journal would play, like the Chamberlain government, a dubious role in the disastrous British appeasement of Hitler.” What was worse is that the Times had a correspondent, Norman Ebbutt, who until he was expelled in August 1937 knew more about the inner workings of the Third Reich than just about anyone, but much that he wrote was never published, with Ebbutt’s editors ignoring his warnings.
Another example of the power of the press, and the Times specifically, is from June 1938, when the Times published some partially off the record comments that Chamberlain had made which urged the Czech government to grant “self-determination” to the country’s minorities “even if it should mean their secession from Czechoslovakia.” Forget that the Czechs were furious and, in light of Hitler’s move the previous March into Austria, rapidly building up their defenses, the Times’ dispatch was music to Hitler’s ears.
When it came to the Czechs, their ambassador to London, Jan Masaryk, noted, “I am very much afraid that the senile ambition of Chamberlain to be the peacemaker of Europe will drive him to success at any price, and that will be possible only at our expense.”
Chamberlain had thought that the injustices of Versailles could be purchased in exchange for peace. Yet at this time, an opinion poll in Britain revealed that only 43% supported him on his seeming plan not to defend Czechoslovakia should it be invaded, while 33% felt Britain had an obligation to. Masaryk said that he spent most of his days in London “explaining that Czechoslovakia is a country and not a contagious disease.” Of course in the background was Winston Churchill, who at the time insisted that for Britain the unfamiliar jumble of letters forming the word ‘Czechoslovakia’ spelled “nothing less than self- preservation.” [Brendon] On March 24, 1938, Churchill had given a speech wherein he proclaimed “this famous island (was) descending incontinently, fecklessly, the stairway which leads to a dark gulf.”
As for Chamberlain, on July 3, 1938, he gave a speech in which he said, “In war, whichever side may call itself the victor, there are no winners, but all are losers.”
Then in September of that year, Hitler blistered the Czech leadership at the annual Nazi Party rally in Nuremberg. Chamberlain decided to visit him on September 15. That’s where we pick up our story next week.
Sources:
“Diplomacy” Henry Kissinger “The Dark Valley” Piers Brendon “The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich” William L. Shirer
Brian Trumbore
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