03/06/2003
Neville Chamberlain and Appeasement, Part II
Last week I said I would pick up our story of Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler and appeasement around September 15, 1938, but I just want to back up to September 7 and the role of the Times of London (hereinafter The Times) during this historic period. In a lead editorial that day the paper opined:
“It might be worth while for the Czechoslovak Government to consider whether they should exclude altogether the project, which has found favor in some quarters, of making Czechoslovakia a more homogeneous State by the secession of that fringe of alien populations who are contiguous to the nation with which they are united by race The advantages to Czechoslovakia of becoming a homogeneous State might conceivably outweigh the obvious disadvantages of losing the Sudeten German district of the borderland.”
As author William Shirer (“The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich”) notes, “There was no mention in the editorial of the obvious fact that by ceding the Sudetenland to Germany the Czechs would lose both the natural mountain defenses of Bohemia and their ‘Maginot Line’ of fortifications and be henceforth defenseless against Nazi Germany.”
Britain and its leader, Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain, were ready to abandon Czechoslovakia (far more so than the French, incidentally). Then on September 10, Nazi leader Hermann Goering addressed the Nuremberg Party Rally.
“A petty segment of Europe is harassing the human race This miserable pygmy race (the Czechs) is oppressing a cultured people, and behind it is Moscow and the eternal mask of the Jew devil.”
A few days later Hitler addressed the same gathering and railed about the treatment of the Sudeten Germans, which led to Chamberlain’s asking to visit the Fuehrer. The prime minister, 69-years-old, had never flown in a plane before and instead of making things easier on him, Hitler chose to hold the meeting at Berchtesgaden, the furthest point away from London that he possibly could have picked. Hitler, though, was flattered that the leader of the British Empire was groveling at his feet. Nonetheless, the chancellor demanded the “return” of the 3 million Germans in Czechoslovakia. Chamberlain noted later:
“In spite of the hardness and ruthlessness I thought I saw in his face, I got the impression that here was a man who could be relied upon when he had given his word.”
But Chamberlain was beginning to come under great pressure back home, even as he tried to convince Britain that ceding ethnic German areas would guarantee a peace. The polls reflected otherwise, with a two-to-one margin against his policy.
On September 22, Chamberlain returned to Germany, this time Bad Godesberg on the Rhine and Hitler demanded more, the immediate evacuation of the entire Sudeten territory, starting on September 26, just four days later, and to be completed in 48 hours. Chamberlain objected. Hitler then said, O.K., September 28 and October 1 instead.
William Shirer, on the scene at the time as a reporter, noted that Hitler that day had a strange tic, with “ugly, black patches under his eyes.” Hitler appeared on the verge of a breakdown. Shirer’s editor told him that same day that on more than one occasion the Fuehrer had flung himself to the floor and chewed the edge of the carpet.
Chamberlain returned home to a country that was suddenly preparing for war, with similar activities in both France and Czechoslovakia. The prime minister took to the radio airwaves on September 27, famously proclaiming:
“How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and trying on gas masks here because of a quarrel in a faraway country between people of whom we know nothing.”
Meanwhile, Hitler, who was obviously bent on “shmash-sh-sh- ing the Czechs,” (as noted by one of his aides), wanted the whole of the country, not just the Sudetenland, and he most desired a military victory.
September 28 became known as Black Wednesday, with war seemingly inevitable. Goering said, “A Great War can hardly be avoided any longer. It may last seven years, and we will win it.” [He had the time period right, wrong outcome.]
Hitler, though, realized his own people were lukewarm towards conflict, so he acquiesced when Italy’s Benito Mussolini recommended that a four-power conference be held in Munich with the respective heads of state from Germany, Italy, France and Britain. Chamberlain accepted the invitation, along with French Premier Daladier. The Czechs, who were about to be dismembered, were not invited, at which point their representative in London, Jan Masaryk, said to Chamberlain:
“If you have sacrificed my nation to preserve the peace of the world, I will be the first to applaud you. But if not God help your souls!”
[At this same time, another significant plan was in the works, that being the plot by many of Germany’s generals to mount a putsch against Hitler and try the Nazi leadership before the Supreme Court. This is a very complicated tale, but the bottom line is that Chamberlain’s agreeing to go to Munich led to the postponement of the elaborate plans, primarily due to the fact that Munich allowed Hitler to claim he had legal authority to dismantle Czechoslovakia.]
And so it was that the four powers met in Munich on September 29 and they quickly agreed that Germany would annex the Czech Sudetenland, ostensibly because 3 million ethnic Germans lived there. The real reason was that Neville Chamberlain believed this appeasement would avert further war.
The Munich Agreement was signed in the early hours of September 30 (thus the reason why this is the historical date) and the German Army was to begin marching into Czechoslovakia on October 1, with full occupation to be accomplished by October 10.
A jubilant Chamberlain returned to a heroes welcome in London (as did Daladier in Paris). From the balcony of No. 10 Downing Street he brandished the document and declared:
“This is the second time in our history that there has come back from Germany to Downing Street peace with honor. I believe it is peace for our time.”
The Times editorial page added “no conqueror returning from a victory on the battlefield has come adorned with nobler laurels.”
Chamberlain went on to discuss a last meeting he had with the Fuehrer before returning.
“This morning I had another talk with the German Chancellor, Herr Hitler, and here is the paper which bears his name upon it as well as mine ‘We regard the agreement signed last night – and the Anglo-German Naval Agreement – as symbolic of the desire of our two peoples never to go to war with one another again.’”
As for Hitler, he dismissed both pieces of paper as having “no significance whatsoever” and he told his aides he would still take the rest of Czechoslovakia the first opportunity he had. The morning of the 30th, Czechoslovakia, having been abandoned by France and Britain, surrendered “under protest to the world,” as the official text read.
But the jubilant mood back in London changed suddenly upon further reflection and even the Oxford Union voted 320-266 to deplore “the Government’s policy of peace with honor.” The world then saw who the real Hitler was just about six weeks later, November 9-10, when Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels organized the Kristallnacht demonstrations that destroyed some 7,500 Jewish businesses.
In March 1939, Hitler moved on rump Czechoslovakia and then on September 1, 1939, World War II was officially underway with the invasion of Poland.
Henry Kissinger has written that “Munich was not a single act, but the culmination of an attitude which began in the 1920s and accelerated with each new concession,” while “The destruction of Czechoslovakia made no geopolitical sense whatsoever; it showed that Hitler was beyond rational calculation and bent on war.”
And so as the world ponders what to do with both Iraq and North Korea today, the above should have supplied you with more than a few examples of the dangers of appeasement, while experts I have come across on the pre-World War II years are in agreement; Hitler could have been stopped in his tracks if he hadn’t been appeased at Munich.
For starters, the coup plotters inside the military may have succeeded in arresting the Nazi leadership, but just as importantly, in September 1938, if Britain and France had backed up Czechoslovakia, militarily they would have smashed Hitler’s forces. The Nazis just weren’t that strong at this point. [The Czechs had a very capable military in 1938, but it was forced to stand down.] It wasn’t until the following year that Hitler’s war machine kicked it into high gear and the Nazis began spending up to 80% of public expenditures on it.
These are the lessons. What have we learned?
Sources:
“Diplomacy” Henry Kissinger “The Dark Valley” Piers Brendon “The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich” William L. Shirer
Brian Trumbore
|