Ataturk, Part III

Ataturk, Part III

U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said the other day

that “We need more Ataturks.” Rumsfeld was referring to the

fact that we need more Muslim nations like Turkey which

recognize that all in the West is not bad.

As for Mustafa Kemal (Ataturk), we wrap up his story with his

dramatic move to assume power in 1923. Actually, he had

telegraphed what he would do in a 1918 diary entry.

“If I obtain great authority and power, I think I will bring about

by a coup – suddenly in one moment – the desired revolution in

our social life. Because, unlike others, I don”t believe that this

deed can be achieved by raising the intelligence of others slowly

to the level of my own. My soul rebels against such a course.

Why, after my years of education, after studying civilization and

the socialization processes, after spending my life and my time to

gain pleasure from freedom, should I descend to the level of the

common people? I will make them rise to my level. Let me not

resemble them: they should resemble me.” [Macfie]

What Mustafa Kemal meant by the ”desired revolution” was in

effect the complete secularization, modernization and

westernization of the Turkish state.

And so it was that whereas the Treaty of Sevres was a total

failure for post-war Turkey in 1920, the Treaty of Lausanne in

1923 created the modern nation, leaving Turkey holding some

territory on the European side of the straits, which were declared

open to all nations. Turkey then renounced its claims to the Arab

lands and the islands of the Aegean, Cyprus and Rhodes.

Meanwhile, the Kurds, an ethnic minority in Turkey and Iraq,

were left without an independent state. And one of the truly

tragic events of the treaty was the forced, internationally

supervised exchange of Greek and Turkish populations; with

Greeks in modern-day Turkey being sent to Greece, while Turks

from northern Greece were moved to Turkey. What became

known as “The Great Catastrophe” resulted in large-scale

atrocities, thus ensuring the hatreds of these peoples for

generations to come.

As for Mustafa Kemal, he became president of the Republic of

Turkey, establishing the capital in Ankara. Kemal then set about

creating a secular society, thereby incurring the wrath of the

scholars at the University of Al-Azhar in Egypt, the most famous

of all centers of Islamic learning. Over the next few years,

Mustafa sought to swing his new country to the West, and he

began by abolishing the requirement for the teaching of religion

in schools. Latin script was introduced, Arabic characters for the

Turkish language ceased, wearing the fez (the round felt hat with

the flat top that was a symbol of Islam) became a criminal

offense, and wearing a veil was openly frowned upon (though it

wasn”t banned). Western dress was encouraged. In addition,

Turkish law was modeled after the Swiss code, the Muslim

calendar was abandoned, and in 1928 the constitution was

amended to remove the statement that Turkey was an Islamic

state.

Mustafa Kemal wanted to rule a European state in every respect.

In the schools, for example, the imam and the mosque were no

longer held up as the model, now it was the schoolteacher and

the schoolroom. Higher education became a status symbol.

[Kemal added at the time, “For everything in the world – for

civilization, for life, for success – the truest guide is knowledge

and science.”]

Ataturk (the name was conferred upon him by the National

Assembly in 1934, which means “Perfection” or “Father Turk”)

never let up until his death in 1938, and in some ways under his

rule Turkey was one of the most advanced nations in the world,

let alone the Islamic sphere. Historian J.M. Roberts writes that

Ataturk had a bit of Peter the Great in him (though Ataturk was

not interested in territorial gain), as well as something of that of

an “enlightened despot.”

As for his personality, Ataturk cut an imposing figure. He was

highly intelligent, shrewd, overbearing, and unscrupulous.

A great example of his manner can be found in Martin Gilbert”s

“A History of the Twentieth Century.” In 1937, the small,

disputed territory of Hatay became an international incident

when both Turkey and Syria claimed this region that included the

port of Iskenderun. France, in an effort to keep the peace,

mandated the territory, also known as Sandjak, be made into an

independent republic. This proposal was upheld by the League

of Nations, but Ataturk would have none of that. Gilbert picks

up the story.

“While dining at a restaurant in Ankara he saw the French

Ambassador, Monsieur Ponsot, at a nearby table. He at once, in

the words of his biographer Lord Kinross, ”called upon the ladies

at this table to raise their hands and shout, ”We want Hatay!”

One of his adopted daughters chanced to have a toy revolver in

her bag and he made her fire it off. The explosion took M.

Ponsot aback and Ataturk playfully sent for the police and had

her arrested for the illegal use off firearms.” He then informed

his Prime Minister, ”that the women of Turkey must have Hatay”

and instructed him to make representations on their behalf to the

French Government.

Turkey was planning on taking unilateral action, and so when

Ataturk sent his troops a year later to annex Hatay, both Syria

and the League of Nations didn”t even send a force to dislodge

them.

But all was not good, in the eyes of some. Noted Islamic scholar

Bernard Lewis wrote in his book “The Middle East” that, “For a

while the modernizing Turkish republic, like the Islamic

Ottoman Empire before it, seemed to be showing the way for the

whole Islamic world. But Ataturk had no such desire. His

disestablishment of Islam, his secularization of the state and the

law, and his oft-declared intention of making Turkey part of

Europe, antagonized many Muslims who had at first acclaimed

his victories.” [An example of the grievances against Ataturk

was in his installing statues of himself, a practice viewed as no

better than pagan idolatry.]

Kemal was a heavy drinker, particularly of the national drink of

Turkey, raki, which he would often consume at the rate of half a

litre a day (more than a pint) and he stayed up half the night

playing poker or carousing with his friends. Ataturk was also

rather sexually promiscuous.

But despite the mood swings that were exacerbated by his

drinking and partying, in the words of author Stephen Kinzer,

Kemal “had a rare ability to temper and manage the jealousies

and ambitions of his entourage. He did not tolerate failure. He

was not vindictive, but had no time for sentimentality in politics

beyond his own mystical belief in the sanctity and purity of the

Turkish nation.”

It has been over 60 years since Mustafa Kemal”s death in 1938,

yet the cult of Ataturk is as strong today as it was decades ago.

In Turkey he is a deity and “Kemalism” is still a strong

movement in today”s politics.

It is said that in Turkey one can say bad things about God, but

never about Ataturk. And it”s amazing that so little is known

outside of Turkey about this man who the current coalition on the

war on terrorism should want to uphold as the model for a more

modern Islamic world.

It”s also true, however, that the Turkish military, ever loyal to

Kemalism, didn”t allow free multiparty elections for parliament

until 1950, and the military has launched three coups since then,

the last being in 1980. So since Ataturk, it has been a struggle,

sometimes two steps forward and one back, sometimes one forward

and two back. At the end of the day, though, Ataturk and the

secularization of Islam is the model the West desires. Stephen

Kinzer writes that “without Ataturk”s vision, without his ambition

and energy, without his astonishing boldness in sweeping away

traditions accumulated over centuries, today”s Turkey would not

exist and the world would be much poorer.” And, I would add,

even scarier.

Next week, we might take a break from Islam and the Muslim

world…then again, we might not.

Sources:

“The Balkans,” Misha Glenny

“Crescent & Star,” Stephen Kinzer

“Ataturk,” A.L. Macfie

“A History of Modern Europe,” John Merriman

“Europe: A History,” Norman Davies

“Twentieth Century,” J.M. Roberts

“The Middle East,” Bernard Lewis

Note: Stephen Kinzer”s 2001 work is not only timely, it is highly

readable and entertaining. I heartily recommend it. “Great for a

long flight.” -BT

Brian Trumbore