Radio, Part III

Radio, Part III

As we wrap up our series on the early history of radio,

admittedly, the following has little to do with Wall Street

compared to the previous two installments, but I would be remiss

in not discussing the power of radio, in the late 20s through the

Second World War, to shape, and rally, public opinion.

You”ll recall that in the early 1920s, radio was highly parochial.

Stations were community oriented, and with the lack of power in

the signal, often could only be heard a few miles. Every group

seemed to have their own programming, ranging from churches

to poultry farmers.

But as 5- and 10,000-watt stations began to appear on the scene,

radio”s power grew exponentially. One of the first to take

advantage of this newfound influence was a Canadian-born

Roman Catholic priest, Charles Edward Coughlin.

Father Coughlin became pastor of a small, lower-middle-class

suburban Detroit parish in 1926. There were only about 25

families in his flock, and while it was the “Roaring Twenties,”

much of America was still not participating in the affluence.

Coughlin picked up on this “haves vs. have nots” theme, feeding

the economic anxiety that the working-class folk felt. His

Sunday sermons were aired on one of the Detroit stations and the

“radio priest,” as he would come to be called, spread the word,

railing against Communists (who were making inroads into

Detroit”s auto industry), as well as the policies of Herbert Hoover

and the international banking system.

But Coughlin wanted a wider audience, a national forum, and by

1929 stations in Chicago and Cincinnati picked up his Sunday

broadcasts. The following year CBS entered into an agreement

to carry him on a nationwide basis. It was estimated that by

1932 he had an audience of up to 46 million. Father Coughlin”s

fan mail was such that he required over 100 clerks and personal

secretaries to answer it. By 1934 he was receiving more mail

than the president.

Sitting back observing this phenomenon was Franklin D.

Roosevelt, who saw great potential in Coughlin”s use of this new

medium. And Roosevelt also saw radio as a bridge to the

burgeoning Catholic immigrant communities that the priest

played to. As FDR campaigned for the presidency, Coughlin

became his #1 cheerleader. The nation faced the choice of

“Roosevelt or ruin,” he would intone. After FDR”s election,

Coughlin thundered, “The New Deal is Christ”s deal.”

But by 1934, as Roosevelt helped to bail out the very banking

system that Coughlin had previously railed against, and as the

impact of the New Deal was limited when it came to the daily

suffering of the working class, he turned on FDR. [And later,

Coughlin became a true Fascist.]

At the same time other political figures like Louisiana”s Huey

Long were using the power of radio to promote their agendas.

For his part, by 1935 Long was receiving 100,000 letters of

support for each of his own broadcasts.

But by now Roosevelt was well ensconced in the White House

and had become an expert himself, utilizing his “fireside chats”

to rally the American people behind his own policies.

The first of what would be close to 100 radio addresses over his

term in office was conducted just days after his inauguration, on

March 12, 1933. The banks had been closed the prior week, but,

as they were about to be reopened, FDR took to the airwaves to

reassure the American people that it was safer to “keep your

money in a reopened bank than under the mattress.” 60 million

listened in and the next day, as some of the banks renewed

operations, the money came flowing back in.

With Roosevelt”s first fireside chat, the White House no longer

seemed remote to the American people. And as the U.S. inched

closer to entering World War II, radio also brought world affairs

into the living room for the first time. Unfortunately, across

the Atlantic, it was aiding in Adolf Hitler”s rise to power.

Some of Roosevelt”s other important fireside chats were:

April 1938 – The president urged increased defense spending,

following Hitler”s invasion of Austria. “Security is our greatest

need.Democracy has disappeared in several other great nations,

not because the people of those nations disliked democracy, but

because they had grown tired of unemployment and insecurity,

of seeing their children hungry while they sat helpless in the face

of government confusion and government weakness through lack

of leadership in government.History proves that dictatorships

do not grow out of strong and successful governments, but out of

weak and helpless ones.”

[There are many who argued after this presentation that FDR,

entering the 6th year of the New Deal and with the U.S. still in

the throes of Depression, was, in the words of historian David

Kennedy, himself a “badly weakened leader.”]

September 1939 – Following Germany”s invasion of Poland,

“This nation will remain a neutral nation, but I cannot ask that

every American remain neutral in thought as well.”

December 1940 – As the U.S. was strengthening its partnership

with Great Britain, which would lead to the Lend-Lease Act, “If

Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the

continents of Europe, Asia, Australasia, and the high seas – and

they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval

resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say

that all of us, in all the Americas, would be living at the point of

a gun.(To prevent this, America) must be the great arsenal of

democracy.”

May 1941 – After the German battleship Bismarck sank the

Hood, the pride of the Royal Navy, some of FDR”s supporters

were screaming for the U.S. to finally get involved. Speaking to

an estimated audience of 55 million, FDR declared an “unlimited

state of emergency,” which in actuality meant very little, but it

was all part of his own propaganda game, leading to America”s

direct involvement.

February, 1942 – Now that the U.S. was in the war, FDR

suggested people buy an atlas to acquaint themselves with the

geography of the conflict. During the fireside chat, he then

guided them through the maps, helping them to understand how

WW II was different in scope from the last war.

And there were somewhat lighter moments, such as in June 1942

when FDR declared, “I want to talk to you about rubber, about

rubber and the American people,” rubber being a key commodity

for the military effort. Some women then mailed the president

their old rubber girdles.

These are just a few examples of how radio was able to unite,

and in some cases divide, people from the far-flung corners of

America. Overseas, in Great Britain Winston Churchill was

himself a master communicator, rallying the British people to

heroic heights. All of his famous House of Commons speeches

were aired, of course, and Churchill utilized separate radio

broadcasts as well. In one such chat in October 1939, he

famously commented on the Soviet Union.

“I cannot forecast to you the action of Russia. It is a riddle

wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma.”

Later on, after World War II, radio would play a powerful role in

the eventual fall of the Iron Curtain, as outlets such as Radio Free

Europe, Voice of America, and the BBC gave hope to Eastern Europeans,

or at least provided a window of knowledge, in their otherwise

dreary worlds.

When you look at the fantastic history of radio, and the influence

companies such as RCA had in the shaping of modern Wall

Street, you can”t help but think of today. We all eagerly await

the now much-delayed advent of broadband, and all it is

supposed to offer. Maybe it will eventually exceed expectations,

but as far as propaganda value, whether from a political or

commercial standpoint, I still don”t see how you can match the

power of radio and television these days. Now if you tell me that

some day we”ll wake up in the morning to a unified message

from some leader at the start of each day, appearing on our

computers, then we have a problem.

Sources:

Same as parts one and two.in addition.

“Freedom from Fear,” by David Kennedy

Brian Trumbore