Saddam Hussein

Saddam Hussein

A friend of mine made the comment when told I was writing

about Saddam Hussein this week, “What? You mean I should be

worried about this guy again?” Sorry, Iraq is back in the

spotlight. The national news media may not say much, yet, but

we are going to have to confront Saddam once more before too

long. The U.N. Security Council recently passed a resolution

requiring that Saddam allow weapons inspectors back into Iraq,

but alas, he said “No.” France, China, Russia and Malaysia

abstained from the vote. The other 11 members (including the

U.S. and Britain) voted “yes.” We have no way of knowing

whether or not Saddam has been building weapons of mass

destruction for the past year while no inspectors have been on the

ground. It”s easy to surmise that he has and that can”t continue.

So I thought I”d spend a little time tracing the history of

Saddam”s rise to power and take the story up to the Gulf War.

You know the rest.

Saddam was born in 1937 and in 1959, just 22 years of age, he

was forced into exile for his part in an attempt to assassinate the

Iraqi prime minister. In 1963 he returned home and was

imprisoned in ”64. After his release, he played a prominent role in

the 1968 coup led by the Ba”ath (or Ba”th) Party. Up to this

point Iraq was governed by a coalition of civilian and military

leadership.

The Ba”th (Resurrection) Party was founded in 1943. It”s appeal

was primarily to the educated class, created by the rapid increase

in education, and the members came from the less dominant

classes in society. The major objectives of the party were

socialism and Arab unity. It would become the leading party in

both Iraq and Syria.

In ”68 the Ba”thists replaced the existing government with a

Revolutionary Command Council (RCC). In 1979 Saddam

became the chairman.

Meanwhile, in 1979 the Iranian revolution was taking place. The

Shah fell, replaced by the clerics led by Ayatollah Khomeini and

the U.S. became embroiled in the hostage crisis. The new regime

in Iran appealed to Muslims everywhere to restore the authority

of Islam in society, and the Iraqi leadership feared that this would

have a special appeal to the Shiite Muslim majority in Iraq.

Saddam and Co. faced a double challenge, as a secular nationalist

government and as one dominated by Sunni Muslims (see my

“Hott Spotts” piece, “Islam Part I” for a discussion on the

differences between the two).

Saddam saw an opportunity to exploit the turmoil enveloping

Iran. Thus, in 1980 he decided to invade Iran. After some initial

successes, however, Iraq was not able to occupy any part of Iran

permanently and, after a time, Iran was able to take the offensive

and invade Iraq.

Iraq”s main objective had been the Shatt al Arab waterway (on

the border of the two countries), a channel formed by the

confluence of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. Fierce and bloody

fighting took place over this piece of territory. By 1982 the war

bogged down. It wasn”t until 1988 that the U.N. brokered a

truce. Neither side captured any land in the end. But also,

neither regime collapsed under the stress of the war, and the

Iranian revolution had not spread to Iraq or the Gulf.

And where were we during this time? The U.S. and most of

Saddam”s Arab neighbors “tilted” toward Iraq as a regional buffer

against Iran. Throughout the 1980s, in fact, it had been American

policy to overlook the brutal aspects of the Saddam Hussein

regime. The U.S. was following the old principle that the enemy

of my enemy is my friend – and Iran was an enemy. We continued

to support Saddam even though he had continually threatened

Israel with chemical weapons. In fact, we knew back then that

Saddam was developing chemical, biological and, perhaps,

nuclear weapons. He had used poison gas in the Iran-Iraq war

and in his suppression of the Kurdish minority in Iraq. But in the

game of global power politics, it was still believed that Iraq could

be a balance against a resurgent Iran and that the U.S. could

persuade Saddam to moderate the unattractive features of his

regime.

Saddam had other ideas. After the truce in the war back on

August 8, 1988, the very next day neighboring Kuwait raised its

production of oil contrary to agreements with OPEC. The

resultant drop in oil prices offended Saddam, deep in debt and

heavily dependent on oil (to the tune of about 98% of total

revenues). Complaining of “economic aggression” against Iraq,

he demanded that Kuwait reduce its production and, with Saudi

Arabia, cancel Iraqi debts. He also began to revive old boundary

disputes that had simmered since the post-WW I settlement that

had created the current map of the Gulf region. Saddam seemed

to harbor hopes of unifying the Arab lands and controlling all of

the oil resources.

But, again, the U.S. was ignoring the rising tension in the region.

A National Security Directive 26 in October 1989 said: “Normal

relations between the U.S. and Iraq would serve our longer-term

interests and promote stability both in the Gulf and the Middle

East. The U.S. should propose economic and political incentives

for Iraq to moderate its behavior and to increase our influence.”

These incentives included massive food exports to Iraq on

favorable terms, a boon to American farmers, and the

encouragement of trade in high-tech but non-lethal items.

In mid-1990, Saddam claimed that Kuwait was draining oil from

an oil field on the border. He said the entire field rightfully

belonged to Iraq and indicated he might use force to take it. The

U.S. dispatched ambassador April Glaspie to meet with Saddam

in July. Glaspie failed to resolve the mounting crisis. She later

testified in Congress: “I told him orally we would defend our vital

interests, we would support our friends in the Gulf, we would

defend their sovereignty and integrity.” The main American

mistake, she said, was not to “realize he was stupid.”

[The controversy over Glaspie”s meeting with Saddam exists to

this day. Saddam insists that Glaspie gave the go ahead for his

Kuwaiti incursion. But, as awful as Saddam is, I bet the truth lies

somewhere in between. My reading of the meeting is that Glaspie

did NOT make it clear to Saddam that the U.S. would not take

kindly to a power grab.]

By late July, Iraqi armed forces began to move toward Kuwait.

While the U.S. intelligence community picked up the hostile

movement, there was no official word from Washington. On

August 2nd, we seemed surprised when Saddam made his move.

We shouldn”t have been.

Brian Trumbore

Sources: “History of the Arab Peoples” by Albert Hourani

“America: A Narrative History,” by George Brown

Tindall and David E. Shi

Note: The next article will be January 6.