Peru, Part II

Peru, Part II

“A full democracy means more than elections. It requires sturdy

institutions: strong political parties, an independent judiciary and

a Congress willing to vote against the executive branch.”

On July 28, 1990, Alberto Fujimori, a little-known agricultural

engineer, son of Japanese immigrants, and the ultimate outsider,

became president of Peru.

At the time of his election, Peru”s political system was discredited

by corruption and Fujimori promised a clean break with the past.

What the citizens wanted most was employment, justice and

security.

But behind the scenes, another figure was also coming into power

with the inauguration of Fujimori, one Vladimiro Montesinos.

Born into a family of Marxists, Montesinos had been expelled

from the army back in 1977 on charges that he was selling secrets

to the CIA.

But he soon recovered and eventually became a trusted aide to

the new president. In fact, Montesinos” influence, through his

political and military connections, clearly was a major reason for

Fujimori”s election. Alberto owed Vladimiro big time and placed

him in charge of a new intelligence agency, the National

Intelligence Service, or SIN.

And it was Montesinos who in 1992 convinced Fujimori to

dissolve Congress and shut down the Supreme Court, granting

the president sweeping powers to deal with the guerrilla

movements that were threatening to destroy Peru. In effect, it

was a “self-coup” and the Peruvian people, tired of the constant

turmoil in their lives, rewarded President Fujimori with soaring

approval ratings.

And the president delivered, apprehending the leader of the

Maoist Shining Path guerrilla movement just 5 months after his

declaration of supreme authority.

But Fujimori”s victories over the guerrillas didn”t come without a

price. With Montesinos pulling strings and using his security

forces, the government became increasingly authoritarian, while

at the same time espousing democracy. Yet the public was still

behind the president and they rewarded him with a resounding

victory in his re-election vote in 1995.

With the guerrillas crushed, the Fujimori controlled Congress

approved an interpretation to the 1993 constitution which

allowed the president to seek a third term in 2000. The U.S. and

much of the Organization of American States disagreed with this

ruling and urged him to step down when his second term was

complete.

But the U.S. still needed both Fujimori and, more importantly, his

security chief Montesinos to aid in their fight against the narco-

traffickers. The CIA saw Montesinos as indispensable to their

counter-narcotics efforts. He became known to intelligence

agencies, and the State Department, as “Mr. Fixit.” Fujimori was

soon able to claim a huge victory in the drug war. [Of course,

Peru”s gain was Colombia”s loss as the drug kingpins just set up

shop in the latter nation.]

Fujimori thought that the U.S. owed him. In a way we did. But

the Peruvian president was becoming more of a tyrant than a

democratic leader and many in Washington became disillusioned

with the characters that they had previously promoted.

Formally, Peru was a democracy with elections, courts, a

Congress, and a variety of print and electronic media. But

beneath the surface lay a nation of dirty tricks, torture and

increasingly, murder. SIN leader Montesinos saw to it that

Fujimori had no real opposition.

When the U.S. became more insistent that Fujimori step down

after his term expired this year, Montesinos only directed more

efforts to ensure that the president had a third. Fujimori shut

down virtually all critical television news and effectively

controlled the agencies that oversaw the election.

The first round of voting was held this past April and outside

observers knew the election was wrought with fraud. For the

first time, Fujimori faced an authentic challenger to his rule in the

form of a business school professor, Alejandro Toledo.

As the two were to square off in the final round of voting on May

28, Toledo suddenly exited the race only a few days before,

claiming that it was impossible for him to win a rigged election.

Fujimori then won handily.

Peru was once again in turmoil and it seemed that the legitimate

gains that the people had won (defeating Shining Path, eliminating

the narco-terrorist threat, and restoring economic order) would

be lost.

And so it was that about ten days ago, a videotape emerged

which showed Montesinos offering $15,000 to an opposition

congressional leader if he would switch his support in the May

vote to Fujimori. Immediately, turmoil turned to chaos.

For 72 hours, President Fujimori said nothing. Imagine what it

was like for this nation, their leader”s right-hand man implicated

in a scandal of the utmost gravity and not a word from the man in

charge. The people, of course, feared an imminent coup. There

was also no word on the whereabouts of Montesinos himself.

After three days, Fujimori stunned the nation by announcing he

would step down as president in 2001 and deactivate the

intelligence service. But the vast majority of the people wanted

him to step down immediately. The opposition leader, Toledo,

rallied the people but his own credibility was somewhat shaken by

his withdrawal from the May vote.

As for Montesinos, it finally emerged that he was under

protective custody. This only heightened the tension. Most

Peruvian generals owed their careers to Vladimiro and it was

clear that through his security apparatus, Montesinos had dirt on

all of them…as well as the president himself.

But two days after Fujimori announced he would eventually step

down, the military came out and announced that it supported his

decision. This created a slight sense of calm as the people took

the generals” pronouncement as a sign that a coup was not

imminent.

Yet still no word on how Montesinos would be handled. It has

now emerged that, behind the scenes, the U.S. was urging the

nation of Panama to grant him political asylum as a way to defuse

the crisis. There were rumors that Montesinos had some 2,500

videotapes. If they were released, there”s no telling what would

have happened.

And so it was that early in the week, the security chief was

spirited away to Panama in the dead of night. And then on

Tuesday, the announcement was made that the Montesinos case

was closed. Needless to say, the opposition is furious.

Fujimori has stated that elections will be held in March and that a

new leader won”t be allowed to take over until July 28. While

many are clamoring for him to step down and allow a transition

figure to take the reins until the vote, Fujimori shows no signs of

giving in.

Meanwhile, there can be no doubt that the Peruvian economy will

suffer tremendously as foreign investment dries up.

What was once thought to be a peaceful region is no longer so.

The Andean nations of Bolivia, Ecuador, Colombia, Peru and

Venezuela have massive problems. And instability in these

nations can only have a negative impact on those other big Latin

American countries that have newly stable democracies; namely,

Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico. This isn”t the last Hott

Spotts reports from this part of the world, you can be sure.

Sources:

John Crow, “The Epic of Latin America”

Michael Shifter / Washington Post

Clifford Krauss / New York Times

Larry Rohter / New York Times

David Gonzalez / New York Times

Charles Lane / Washington Post

Karen DeYoung / Washington Post

Anthony Faiola / Washington Post

Brian Trumbore

Next week…update on China.