Congo, Part I…King Leopold II

Congo, Part I…King Leopold II

There are those who say the U.S. should abandon any efforts to

help the continent of Africa with its many problems, that the

situation is hopeless. Over the next few weeks we will explore

one nation in detail, the Democratic Republic of the Congo,

which may give you a better understanding of the myriad

political issues facing all of the people in Africa today.

For starters, the uninitiated may feel as though all of sub-Saharan

Africa is basically one people, one language. If that were the

case we wouldn”t need to explore this in any detail.

Columnist Gwynne Dyer recently explained that south of the

Sahara, there are only 3 or 4 African languages with more than

10 million native speakers. There are several hundred languages

with between half a million and a million native speakers.

“African states big enough to make economic sense are usually

so complex ethnically that they are almost impossible to govern,”

writes Dyer.

And then there is Congo. Formerly Zaire (and not to be confused

with the Republic of the Congo which is far smaller and lies to

Congo”s west), Congo is the second largest country in Africa.

Over 3 times the size of Texas, it is bordered by nine other

nations and is the source of tremendous mineral wealth;

including copper, diamonds, gold and silver. In addition,

contained within its boundaries is the Congo River basin, which

carries more water than any other body in the world except the

Amazon (thus, a tremendous potential source of hydroelectric

power).

So what has Congo done with all of these resources? Nothing,

really. Nothing that benefits the people, that is. But the blame

begins with Belgium, and the first colonial dictatorship, that of

King Leopold II.

Leopold, the son of King Leopold I (the first king of independent

Belgium) ruled Belgium from 1865 until his death in 1909. But

going back to his days as a prince, he always had his eye on

Africa. He would get his wish to control a large part of it.

In 1874, the Anglo-American journalist Henry Morton Stanley

was commissioned by the New York Herald and the Daily

Telegraph to complete the explorations of David Livingstone, the

Scottish missionary who had spent years mapping the Congo

Basin. [Stanley had met Livingstone in their famous exchange

on a previous expedition back in 1871.]

Stanley explored and mapped the Congo River basin for years,

but when he returned to Britain in 1877, the British initially were

ambivalent about his discoveries. But King Leopold II saw an

opportunity to fulfill his imperial ambitions.

Stanley brought back reports of the untapped potential of mineral

wealth throughout the region and Leopold was anxious to extend

his personal domain, while enhancing his wealth. “Ce

magnifique gateau africain,” he is alleged to have said upon

hearing of the Congo”s riches.

So Leopold hired Stanley to return to Congo for the purposes of

securing treaties with the local chiefs in order to gain access to

the wealth that lay within. The king then organized the Congo

Company and once Stanley returned with the treaties, Leopold

had his “piece of that great African cake.”

For starters, the kings and tribal chiefs that Stanley, and others

that would follow, sat down with probably ceded lands and

granted mineral rights without fully comprehending what they

were doing. Historians Garraty and Gay comment, “Some hoped

that, once the mysterious piece of paper on which their

unwelcome visitors set so much store had been signed and

handed over, the white men would go away.” They didn”t.

Leopold named his new toy the Congo Free State. Yes, he just

stole it. But the king”s move caused great concern throughout

the capitals of Europe and the Congress of Berlin (1884-1885)

was convened, setting in motion what came to be known as the

“scramble for Africa.”

Other nations were now looking to stake their claims but the

Congress wanted to establish some parameters for future territory

grabs. For starters, a claim would have to be formally

announced, and then the country would have to demonstrate that

the regions were being effectively occupied. King Leopold was

thus granted Congo, provided that he ensure the welfare of its

“backward people.”

Leopold pledged to “watch over the preservation of the native

races, and the amelioration of the moral and material conditions

of their existence.” But he immediately set about mining, rubber

tapping, and constructing railroads for the purposes of pillaging

the land and raping its people.

From 1885 until 1908, what took place in Congo was nothing

less than a holocaust. Up to 10 million people died, representing

about one-half of the entire population. It is a dark period in

world history that today gets little recognition. The people died

from famine, epidemics, and state-sponsored killings. If the

workers didn”t hit their quotas, they were systematically tortured,

and in many cases executed.

Leopold employed a Force publique that was really nothing more

than a mercenary army comprised of about 360 European

officers of various nationalities, and some 16,000 African troops

drafted to carry out the slaughter. Congo became a giant forced

labor camp.

But by 1908, thanks to the efforts of humanitarians like Sir

Roger Casement, a British consul who exposed the abuses of the

Belgian regime, international opinion was turning against

Leopold. The result was the first worldwide sponsored human

rights movement and the king was finally forced to hand the

colony over to the Belgian government, which renamed it the

Belgian Congo.

Conditions for the people of Congo, however, didn”t improve

that much. Missionary work (the country is 94% Christian

today) did help to alleviate some of the problems, namely of

education, but for the vast majority of the population, the

colonial experience was still Hell on earth.

As the decades rolled on, however, an elite class of citizens

known as the evolues began to have some say in how Congo was

governed. In the 1950s, they petitioned the colonial government

for reforms, including the right to own land, to vote in elections,

and to serve in public office. By 1957, Africans were finally

allowed to participate in municipal elections.

But the old theory of “rising expectations” took hold at this

point. Part II of our story next week.

Sources:

“Africana,” Gates and Appiah

Gwynne Dyer / Star-Ledger

Richard Hamilton / Washington Post

“The Columbia History of the World,” Garraty and Gay

“A History of Modern Europe,” John Merriman

“The Oxford History of the 20th Century,” Howard and Louis

Brian Trumbore